James Madison (American Presidents Series)

From Barnes & Noble

The much-anticipated Henry Holt series on America's presidents begins in an auspicious way. For decades, historian Garry Wills has been studying James Madison and rethinking his role in the young American republic. In James Madison, the Pulitzer Prizewinning writer traces the future chief executive's rise to prominence; his central place in the creation of our Constitution; his baptism of fire as our first wartime president; and his evolving political philosophy. This is a significant work by a major American historian.

Publishers Weekly

It's tough to write a compelling biography of Madison: though a great politician, he was also a provincial, cerebral and slightly dull man; any account of his life must contain the kinds of dry legislation the Non-Intercourse Act, Macon's Bill Number 2, for example that have driven generations of history students to distraction. But Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Wills does as good a job as possible in this brief volume, the latest addition to a series on the nation's presidents edited by Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. With prior studies of Washington, Jefferson and other Framers (including Madison) under his belt, Wills is well acquainted with his subject and balanced in his assessments. Madison, "this unimpressive little man with libraries in his brain," was the "Father of the Constitution" and the nation's fourth president. But during an extraordinary four-decade public career, Madison also guided Washington and Jefferson in their presidencies; steered the pioneering Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom through that state's legislature in 1786 and the Bill of Rights through Congress; and helped Jefferson found the Democratic Party. But for all Madison's greatness, Wills nevertheless (and justifiably) judges him na ve, inconsistent, occasionally dishonest, prone to sniff conspiracy in any opposition, and, like so many Southerners of the time, deaf to and finally paralyzed by slavery. Moreover, although he was a first-class committeeman, he lacked executive talent. His presidency was a near disaster and he narrowly averted defeat in the War of 1812. To Madison's credit, unlike other wartime presidents, he didn't stretch the Constitution or invade civil liberties. Madison had "the strength of his weaknesses," concludes Wills in this fine, short biography of one of the nation's greatest public servants. Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information.

Foreign Affairs

The American Presidents, a valuable series under the general editorship of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., has produced yet another excellent short biography. Madison, whose administration blundered into the dismal War of 1812, had to flee the White House as a British raiding party burned it and much of Washington to the ground. His administration has long been considered a disappointment, and his reputation has depended instead on his brilliant contributions to the Constitution and the Federalist Papers. Wills adds some luster to this reputation, assigning to Madison some credit (usually given Jefferson) as the great defender of religious liberty among the founders. He also analyzes the causes of Madison's weaknesses as president, attempts to assess Madison's place in American history, and provides what may well be the clearest account ever produced of the politics and strategy of the War of 1812. Summing up the record, Wills writes, "Madison did more [for his country] than most, and did some things better than any. That is quite enough." High praise — which can also be applied to Wills as a biographer.

Library Journal

In this work one of the first in a new series being published under the general editorship of Schlesinger Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Wills (e.g., Lincoln at Gettysburg, 1992) does not attempt to offer a complete biography of Madison. Rather, he sets out to solve a mystery: how could Madison have been such a spectacularly important Founding Father and later just a slightly above average President? Wills provides a thoroughly satisfying answer. He maintains that Madison possessed qualities that served him well early in his career but proved to be a handicap during his Presidency. For example, his superior skills as a legislator were not what he needed to face the crises of his presidential years, when personal charisma, social charms, and a wider vision would have been more useful. Moreover, Madison's parochialism (reflected in his aversion to traveling outside his beloved Virginia) made him greatly misjudge Britain in the War of 1812. Written with flair, this clear and balanced account is based on a sure handling of the material. It should appeal to general readers as well as specialists. Highly recommended for all libraries. T.J. Schaeper, St. Bonaventure Univ., NY Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information.

Kirkus Reviews

As the US fights a war that raises questions about the future of Americans' personal liberties, prolific cultural critic Wills (History/Northwestern Univ.; Venice: Lion City, 2001, etc.) insightfully assesses the career of the man who was both the principal draftsman of its Constitution and its first wartime president. While acknowledging Madison's great achievements as a Constitutional framer, Wills focuses more on his lackluster presidency, asking why it fell below the level of excellence reached in other areas of his life. For answers, he looks to specific policy errors, such as a misapprehension about the nature of the British empire, and identifies characteristics that served Madison well (or at least not ill) in his earlier career but became liabilities in the White House. These traits included a legislative temperament that made him effective in committees but less suitable for executive office, a bookish remoteness from people, and a tendency to work through powerful intermediaries such as Jefferson in politics and extroverted wife Dolley in his personal life. Madison sometimes developed impractical enthusiasms for policies that had no chance of success and pursued them to the point of disaster. The central event of his administration, the War of 1812, achieved none of Madison's objectives. But Wills points out that the war was a great nationalizing force, waged without diminishing the liberties of the American people, and that Madison left office more popular than when he entered. On balance, Wills argues, even if Madison was not a great president, "as a framer and defender of the Constitution he had no peer. . . . No man could do everything for the country," he asserts."Madison did more than most, and did some things better than any. That is quite enough." Not a groundbreaking study, but a typically thoughtful and sympathetic evaluation of the complex character that made Madison a great theoretician of government but a mediocre practitioner of it.